- University of Stirling, History & Politics, Faculty Memberadd
- 18th & 19th Centuries, Comparative iberian studies, Social Movements, Contentious Politics, Police History, Petitioning, and 33 moreRepertoires of Contention, Portuguese History, Social movements and revolution, Social History, Political History, History of Political Thought, Scholarly Publishing, Popular Protest, Contemporary History of Spain, European History, Transnational History, Petitions, Right of petition, Droit de pétition, Re-imagining Democracy 18th-19th Centuries, Portugal (History), Iberian History, Militias, History, Comparative Politics, Democratization, Social Movements (Political Science), Police, Police and Policing, Policing Studies, Portugal, Policia, Law and Order, Portugal a Culatazos, Peditorios, Re-imagining Democracy In the Mediterranean Between 1750 and 1860, Tear Gas, and French revolution and napoleonic period in Italyedit
- I'm "Ramon y Cajal" researcher in History at Universidad Complutense de Madrid (Spain). I hold a PhD in History and a... moreI'm "Ramon y Cajal" researcher in History at Universidad Complutense de Madrid (Spain). I hold a PhD in History and a MA in Political Science. I work on the history of social movements and the policing of popular protest. I have mainly written on Portuguese and Spanish 19 and 20 centuries, but I am currently developing a project the transnational history of petitioning.edit
Petitions, loyal addresses, plebiscites, and other displays of popular consent accompanied most episodes of the revolutionary and Napoleonic expansion of France between 1789 and 1814. Petitioning had been adapted and transformed in France... more
Petitions, loyal addresses, plebiscites, and other displays of popular consent accompanied most episodes of the revolutionary and Napoleonic expansion of France between 1789 and 1814. Petitioning had been adapted and transformed in France during the revolution, through which it became associated to popular sovereignty. Historians have often studied popular mobilisation through the prism of the conquest of rights, thereby pitting subordinate groups against entrenched ruling classes. This article surveys a different development, as French revolutionary administrators and generals, and Napoleon himself, adapted and reconfigured petitioning as a top-down tool for territorial expansion and empire-building, using it to invoke the supposed popular acquiescence to their reconfiguration of the political map of Europe. French propaganda portrayed these initiatives within the same interpretative framework that discussed the value of other, more autonomous, petitions. This work will thus analyse the paradox of top-down-controlled mobilisations that, at the same time, reinforced the symbolic pre-eminence of popular consent and participation.
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Repression represents a cost for popular protest and activism but this chapter argues that often it is not a resource readily available to governments. To the degree that it signals a breakdown in legitimacy, repression also involves... more
Repression represents a cost for popular protest and activism but this chapter argues that often it is not a resource readily available to governments. To the degree that it signals a breakdown in legitimacy, repression also involves costs, which vary depending on the conjunctural structure of political competition. A historical overview shows that the increase in the cost of repression in specific configurations of the structure of political competition is the primary mechanism triggering the search for a technical solution allowing the non-lethal control of crowds. Major conjunctural variations in the costs of violent repression are the norm, but the long-term steady increase in the cost of violent repression is linked to the relative opening up of political systems and the extending of full citizenship status to broader categories of a regime’s subject population. In the countries that have been pioneers in the use of non-lethal policing, the increase in the political costs of repression came along with the recognition of the right to protest and participate. This democratization was accompanied by the development of protest policing techniques —training, procedures, planning, non-lethal weapons— and has converged in a broadly common contemporary anti-riot repertoire as part of the technology of governance. At the same time, the arms manufacturers embraced the discourse of non-lethal force and pressed for the imposition of technical standards for modern police forces. Starting in the 1960s, moreover, many political systems became part of more complex and dense international networks and this influenced certain dictatorships to adopt modern anti-disturbance techniques in such a way that the technology involved became emancipated from its initial political pre-conditions. Charles Tilly would have certainly noticed the irony: democratization encouraged technical solutions for the policing of protest that, in the long run, many dictators could use to strengthen their grip on power. https://rowman.com/ISBN/9780761867845/Regarding-Tilly-Conflict-Power-and-Collective-Action
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This article examines collective petitioning in metropolitan Spain during the Age of Revolution, focusing on the practices and discourses that framed petitioning as a meaningful form of action. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.21... more
This article examines collective petitioning in metropolitan Spain during the Age of Revolution, focusing on the practices and discourses that framed petitioning as a meaningful form of action.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.21
There was a deeply rooted tradition of petitioning in old regime Spain, which was part of the ordinary bureaucratic workings of the crown and also provided a legitimizing framework for rioting in specific contexts. The collective experimentation in popular participation after the 1808 Napoleonic invasion transformed petitioning. Petitioning was first reconceptualized in accordance with the emerging language of rights and popular sovereignty. Activists and commentators had some awareness of the use of public petitioning in Britain and thus, once the representative Cortes met in Cadiz in 1810, public petition drives on public issues became part of the political culture. At the same time, the need to legitimate unconventional forms of action in the context of a crisis in the state converted petitioning into an all-embracing right. The right to petition, not only encompassed signed protest texts but also legitimated the old tradition of petitioning by riot and further was used to justify provincial rebellions, juntas, and military pronunciamientos. In comparative terms, this article highlights the elasticity of the language of petitioning during the Age of Revolution and cautions against narrowly associating it with one particular form of collective action or historical trajectory.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.21
There was a deeply rooted tradition of petitioning in old regime Spain, which was part of the ordinary bureaucratic workings of the crown and also provided a legitimizing framework for rioting in specific contexts. The collective experimentation in popular participation after the 1808 Napoleonic invasion transformed petitioning. Petitioning was first reconceptualized in accordance with the emerging language of rights and popular sovereignty. Activists and commentators had some awareness of the use of public petitioning in Britain and thus, once the representative Cortes met in Cadiz in 1810, public petition drives on public issues became part of the political culture. At the same time, the need to legitimate unconventional forms of action in the context of a crisis in the state converted petitioning into an all-embracing right. The right to petition, not only encompassed signed protest texts but also legitimated the old tradition of petitioning by riot and further was used to justify provincial rebellions, juntas, and military pronunciamientos. In comparative terms, this article highlights the elasticity of the language of petitioning during the Age of Revolution and cautions against narrowly associating it with one particular form of collective action or historical trajectory.
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1 PALACIOS CEREZALES, DIEGO (2009): "Ritual funerario y política en el Portugal contemporáneo" en CASQUETE, J. y CRUZ, R. (Eds.) Políticas de la muerte. Madrid, La Catarata: 39-71. Muerte, liturgia, emoción, testimonio, atribución de... more
1 PALACIOS CEREZALES, DIEGO (2009): "Ritual funerario y política en el Portugal contemporáneo" en CASQUETE, J. y CRUZ, R. (Eds.) Políticas de la muerte. Madrid, La Catarata: 39-71. Muerte, liturgia, emoción, testimonio, atribución de culpa, política. En la historia contemporánea portuguesa, al igual que en la de otros países, el espacio funerario y los rituales asociados con la muerte han contemplado y provocado diversos y cambiantes conflictos. En este trabajo se realiza un recorrido por ellos y se estudian las transformaciones de ese tipo de prácticas, su relación con otros elementos de los repertorios de acción colectiva y las particularidades que las respuestas emotivas asociadas a la muerte introducían en el conflicto político. Finalmente, centrando la atención sobre el funeral político, se explora la especificidad que la configuración de las libertades de reunión y manifestación reconocidas por cada régimen ha impreso en la importancia del funeral como momento de la conflictividad en la historia portuguesa. Estado y comunidades En abril de 1846, unas aldeanas de Póvoa de Lanhoso, en el norte de Portugal, se negaron pagar el certificado de defunción y, contraviniendo las nuevas leyes de salud, llevaron el cadáver en procesión hasta la iglesia parroquial y lo enterraron en su suelo sagrado, a la manera tradicional, forzando a un cura a decir la misa. Las autoridades que intentaron impedirlo fueron amenazadas con palos y hoces y expulsadas a pedradas. La voz de su hazaña corrió y, en localidades próximas, otros grupos también organizaron entierros ilegales, asaltaron edificios públicos y destruyeron los registros de las obligaciones fiscales y señoriales. Al tercer día, las campanas repicaban en toda la región del Miño; los "pueblos" comparecían armados, respondiendo a la llamada de curas y cabecillas absolutistas que organizaban partidas guerrilleras, canalizando la movilización hacia el derrocamiento del gobierno: había comenzado la llamada "revolución de la María da Fonte" (Casimiro, 1986: 2-5, esp. 2n; Oliveira, 1986; Actas do congresso 'Maria da Fonte', 1996; Ferreira, 2004). Las cementeriadas de la Maria da Fonte son los episodios más conocidos de resistencia a las leyes de salud funerarias en Portugal, pero hubo muchos otros 1. Desde las primeras medidas higienistas de comienzos del siglo XIX había habido oposición popular a la 1 La palabra cementeriada adapta al castellano el término portugués cemiterada, que ha usado Fernando Catroga. El vocablo quizá provenga de Brasil: (Reis, 1992; Catroga, 1999: 56-59).
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No es fácil definir al Estado. Para los estudiosos de las relaciones internacionales, los estados cuentan con diplomáticos y ejércitos, hacen la guerra y firman la paz. Desde el punto de vista de la ciudadanía, los estados dan cuerpo a un... more
No es fácil definir al Estado. Para los estudiosos de las relaciones internacionales, los estados cuentan con diplomáticos y ejércitos, hacen la guerra y firman la paz. Desde el punto de vista de la ciudadanía, los estados dan cuerpo a un centro político que incluye a la administración pública y al gobierno. Los estados tienen un componente imaginario, pues representan la expresión política de una comunidad humana, pero también cuentan con una realidad física, con policías, ministerios, burócratas y jueces. Los estados aseguran que los ciudadanos cumplan con las obligaciones que él mismo les impone, como pagar impuestos, servir como soldados o respetar medidas higiénicas, y también provee servicios públicos, desde la seguridad a la construcción de carreteras, de los cuidados médicos a la investigación científica. Los estados, asimismo, definen límites: en primer lugar, fronteras territoriales con otros estados, pero también los límites que deciden quién es un ciudadano y quién un extranjero, o qué actividades de la vida colectiva pertenecen a la esfera del estado, y cuáles a la de la sociedad civil. Este capítulo explora la formación histórica del estado en España desde el siglo XIX, fijándose en la construcción de la administración territorial, en los cambios en los cuerpos de funcionarios, en el cobro de impuestos y en los servicios públicos, 1 Esta es la traducción enviada por el autor de su propio texto original en inglés para el capítulo Palacios Cerezales, Diego. "El Estado." en Nueva Historia De La España Contemporánea (1808-2018), editado por Adrian Shubert and José Álvarez Junco, 518-49. Madrid: Galaxia de Gutemberg, 2018. Sin embargo, la editorial encargó su propia traducción, que se publicó sin supervisión del autor y con muchos problemas.
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States are elusive objects. From the viewpoint of international relations, states have diplomats and armies, wage wars and sign peace agreements. From the standpoint of the citizenry, states embody a political centre, encompassing... more
States are elusive objects. From the viewpoint of international relations, states have diplomats and armies, wage wars and sign peace agreements. From the standpoint of the citizenry, states embody a political centre, encompassing government and public administration. States have an imaginary component-as they represent the political expression of a human community-but they are also material-a network of organisations that enforce obligations (taxes, conscription, hygienic measures, etc.) and provide public services, from security to road building, from healthcare to scientific research. States define boundaries: in the first instance, territorial borders with other states, but also boundaries deciding who is a citizen and who an alien, and between the sphere of its own activities and that of civil society. This chapter explores the historical formation of the state in Spain since the nineteenth century, looking at the development of territorial administration, civil service, tax collection, public expenditure, public services provided and at changes in the rights and obligations that have composed the relationship between citizens and state. Before the nineteenth century, the government spent most of its revenue on the military. The state in Spain, as in any other European country, was not much more than a tax-collecting machine paying for an army and a navy and claiming the royal justice as the highest court of appeal. The 1 A version of this text, the English creatively "improved" by an unnamed editor who succeeded in turning some of my less clear formulations into unintelligible fragments
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Palacios Cerezales, D. (2011) 'Ansias de normalidad. La policía y la República', in Rey Reguillo, F. (ed.) Palabras como puños. La intransigencia política en la II República española. Madrid: Tecnos, pp. 596-646.
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During the summer of 1975, a year after the Carnation Revolution, thousands of Portuguese men and women took to the streets in order to prevent what they feared could be a Communist takeover. All over Portugal there were anti-communist... more
During the summer of 1975, a year after the Carnation Revolution, thousands of Portuguese men and women took to the streets in order to prevent what they feared could be a Communist takeover. All over Portugal there were anti-communist demonstrations and rallies. This chapter compares the anti-communist violence of 1975 with the tax riots of the nineteenth century, and analyses the enduring use in Portuguese modern collective action of forms of action such as siege, attack, ransacking premises and burning property. The chapter looks at the influence of political opportunity structures on protesters’ choice of tactics in both periods, and explores the long-term social cleavages underpinning political behaviour in modern Portugal. The final section provides an analysis of the strategic and symbolic functions of these repertoires, which is essential if we are to fully understand their widespread use in nineteenth- and twentieth-century protest politics.
[...] Many studies of the 1974–1975 wave of popular mobilization in Portugal stress the surprise generated by the sudden eruption of social and political protest. This explosion in participation was striking, as the Portuguese citizenry had generally been depicted as passive and demobilized. The Brazilian photographer Sebastião Salgado, who had visited Lisbon in 1970, returned after the Revolution to find that Portugal seemed ‘another country’ (Portugal, outro país, 1999). While there was something new in the air, tradition provided an important framework for the forms much of the collective action took. Confronted with acute political conflict and state weakness, the Portuguese discovered new possibilities, and many citizens experienced their collective power for the first time. However, they also resorted to a repertoire embedded in history. They followed a script of well-known gestures and rituals that enabled the rapid mobilization of unconnected groups and aided the legitimation of their actions. An inherited knowledge on how to mobilize determined the path taken, both providing meaning and setting limits to the violence employed. The revolution brought numerous innovations to Portuguese popular protest, but in order to take action together individuals needed meaningful reference points: many of these were provided by a well-rehearsed repertoire that had been adapted to different contexts since the nineteenth century.
[...] Many studies of the 1974–1975 wave of popular mobilization in Portugal stress the surprise generated by the sudden eruption of social and political protest. This explosion in participation was striking, as the Portuguese citizenry had generally been depicted as passive and demobilized. The Brazilian photographer Sebastião Salgado, who had visited Lisbon in 1970, returned after the Revolution to find that Portugal seemed ‘another country’ (Portugal, outro país, 1999). While there was something new in the air, tradition provided an important framework for the forms much of the collective action took. Confronted with acute political conflict and state weakness, the Portuguese discovered new possibilities, and many citizens experienced their collective power for the first time. However, they also resorted to a repertoire embedded in history. They followed a script of well-known gestures and rituals that enabled the rapid mobilization of unconnected groups and aided the legitimation of their actions. An inherited knowledge on how to mobilize determined the path taken, both providing meaning and setting limits to the violence employed. The revolution brought numerous innovations to Portuguese popular protest, but in order to take action together individuals needed meaningful reference points: many of these were provided by a well-rehearsed repertoire that had been adapted to different contexts since the nineteenth century.
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Palacios Cerezales, D. (2015) "A Segurança Pública E O Aparelho Policial (1736-2011)," in Almeida, P. T. d. and P. S. e. Sousa (eds.) Do Reino À Administração Interna. História De Um Ministério (1736-2012). Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional... more
Palacios Cerezales, D. (2015) "A Segurança Pública E O Aparelho Policial (1736-2011)," in Almeida, P. T. d. and P. S. e. Sousa (eds.) Do Reino À Administração Interna. História De Um Ministério (1736-2012). Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional 241-302.
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Palacios Cerezales, D. (2014) "La Calle Y El Orden. La Difícil Republicanización De La Policía Portuguesa," in Ucelay-Da Cal, E., J. Pich i Mitjana and S. Bennasar (eds.) A Redos De Portugal. Barcelona: Nova Edició 137-176.
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Full citation: Palacios Cerezales, Diego. "Policía y Represión en la Dictadura Portuguesa, 1926-1974." In Violencia e Sociedade em Ditaduras Ibero-Americanas no Século XX, edited by Jorge Marco, Jaime Mansan and Helder Silveira, 163-83.... more
Full citation:
Palacios Cerezales, Diego. "Policía y Represión en la Dictadura Portuguesa, 1926-1974." In Violencia e Sociedade em Ditaduras Ibero-Americanas no Século XX, edited by Jorge Marco, Jaime Mansan and Helder Silveira, 163-83. Porto Alegre, 2015.
Palacios Cerezales, Diego. "Policía y Represión en la Dictadura Portuguesa, 1926-1974." In Violencia e Sociedade em Ditaduras Ibero-Americanas no Século XX, edited by Jorge Marco, Jaime Mansan and Helder Silveira, 163-83. Porto Alegre, 2015.
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During the summer of 1975, a year after the Carnation Revolution, thousands of Portuguese men and women took to the streets in order to prevent what they feared could be a communist takeover. A military-led government had trumpeted the... more
During the summer of 1975, a year after the Carnation Revolution, thousands of Portuguese men and women took to the streets in order to prevent what they feared could be a communist takeover. A military-led government had trumpeted the transition to socialism and the Armed Forces Movement was discussing the dissolution of the recently elected constitutional convention. This article offers a new account of the significance and political impact of the anti-communist rallies, demonstrations and riots during 1975 and provides an interpretation of the mechanisms by which anticommunist mobilization empowered moderate leaders and reversed the balance of power within the military, playing a crucial role in the triumph of electoral democracy.
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Research Interests: Social Movements, Iberian Studies, Social Movements (History), Spanish History, 18th & 19th Centuries, and 9 more19th Century (History), Contemporary History of Spain, Petitioning, Re-imagining Democracy 18th-19th Centuries, Repertórios De Ação, Peditorios, Derecho de petición, Peticiones colectivas, and Recogidas de firmas
Signing a collective petition was an important way of taking part in politics during Portugal’s constitutional monarchy. Many women signed petitions, thereby exercising a political right. Women petitioners provoked public... more
Signing a collective petition was an important way of taking
part in politics during Portugal’s constitutional monarchy.
Many women signed petitions, thereby exercising a political
right. Women petitioners provoked public discussions that
brought their political status into the open, advancing the possibility of feminine citizenship. During the 1850s and 1860s,
women’s use of the right to petition was visible and hotly
debated, but during the 1867-70 political crisis women were
stopped from taking part in petitions. Signatures of women
reappeared only in the 1890s, hand-in-hand with the workers’
movement, catholic and anticlerical mobilization, and republicanism. Meanwhile, those were times of crisis for liberalism,
and the right to petition had already lost the favored, high profile status it once had within the bourgeois public sphere
part in politics during Portugal’s constitutional monarchy.
Many women signed petitions, thereby exercising a political
right. Women petitioners provoked public discussions that
brought their political status into the open, advancing the possibility of feminine citizenship. During the 1850s and 1860s,
women’s use of the right to petition was visible and hotly
debated, but during the 1867-70 political crisis women were
stopped from taking part in petitions. Signatures of women
reappeared only in the 1890s, hand-in-hand with the workers’
movement, catholic and anticlerical mobilization, and republicanism. Meanwhile, those were times of crisis for liberalism,
and the right to petition had already lost the favored, high profile status it once had within the bourgeois public sphere
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(From the editor's introduction): The same historical process – a history of modernization through its shortcomings, or, the narrative of the gap between political aspirations and material policies – continues in the second chapter, where... more
(From the editor's introduction): The same historical process – a history of modernization through its shortcomings, or, the narrative of the gap between political aspirations and material policies – continues in the second chapter, where Diego Palacios Cerezales argues that the difficulties to cover the territory with a police force are not only a good illustration, but indeed a cornerstone, of the whole process. The chapter’s thesis is intriguing and can be summarized in two closely connected elements. First, the presence of a police force would have been an indispensable tool to collect tax and, subsequently, develop all sorts of modernizing projects. Secondly, the absence of such a police force, not only disabled the State as a tool of development, but it also short-circuited the creation of bonds between citizens and the State, thus preventing the birth of a true civic culture. The difficulties felt by both constitutional monarchy in the second half of the nineteenth-century and the Republic between 1910 and 1926 (mainly due to local resistances by landowners and political caciquismo), thus trapped the State in a vicious circle: low budgets did not allow the creation of a police force, without a strong police force it was impossible to collect the necessary taxes for the deployment of more police (and other forms of State presence in the territory). Historically, the failure to create a liberal police never allowed the constitution of a true ‘public service’. When the police finally took hold of the whole territory, under twentieth-century authoritarian New State, it was already in the form of ‘political control’.
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The establishment of representative government in Portugal implied the free participation of the citizenry in the formation of public opinion. The right to petition was initially understood as an individual form of participation, but soon... more
The establishment of representative government in Portugal implied the free participation of the citizenry in the formation of public opinion. The right to petition was initially understood as an individual form of participation, but soon it would be practiced through public gatherings, marches and other displays of the collective will of a multitude. Initially, most of those forms of popular participation were identified with riots and insurrections, but during the second half of the nineteenth century, the public meeting became institutionalized. This paper explores the process whereby political campaigns based on drafting petitions,
collecting signatures, and holding public meetings became a legitimate political form.
collecting signatures, and holding public meetings became a legitimate political form.
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Literature on democratisation claims that the dictatorship's police forces are difficult to reform and that modes of transition and authoritarian legacies are linked. It predicts that a continuous transition will leave greater legacies... more
Literature on democratisation claims that the dictatorship's police forces are difficult to reform and that modes of transition and authoritarian legacies are linked. It predicts that a continuous transition will leave greater legacies than a discontinuous one. This paper analyses the police reforms during democratisation in Spain and Portugal, comparing them in several dimensions: symbolic changes, demilitarisation, decentralisation, accountability, professionalisation and new service role. In both countries a democratic police was built; yet, contrary to predictions, the Spanish police underwent a faster and deeper reform than the Portuguese, a result explained by the double legacy of dictatorship and revolution in the Portuguese transition, the credibility dilemmas of the Spanish reformers and the impact of regional devolution.
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La movilización multitudinaria en las calles y los campos fue recurrente en la historia portuguesa del siglo XIX. La vida política contempló innumerables acciones colectivas en las que participaba una porción anónima de la población, con... more
La movilización multitudinaria en las calles y los campos fue recurrente en la historia portuguesa del siglo XIX. La vida política contempló innumerables acciones colectivas en las que participaba una porción anónima de la población, con hombres y mujeres de toda condición tomando parte en la vida pública, independientemente de que las leyes no les reconocieran capacidad como «ciudadanos activos». Siendo las multitudes movilizadas un «cuerpo político extraño» al entramado constitucional, este trabajo muestra las formas de la movilización que provenían de las tradiciones del Antiguo Régimen y el impacto que la revolución francesa y la soberanía popular tuvieron en el cambio de la acción colectiva para, a partir de esos elementos, estudiar el surgimiento del repertorio de protesta de los movimientos sociales como forma política institucionalizada en el último tercio del siglo XIX. Palabras clave: Portugal; siglo XIX; política; Movimientos Sociales; Protesta Popular.
[English translation:]Collective mobilisation in the streets and the countryside was a recurrent feature in 19th Century Portuguese politics. An anonymous part of the population, both men and women, and regardless of their social status or the rights the law recognised them as citizens, acted politically. Constitutionally speaking, and despite its real power, the mobilized multitude was an “alien political body” that competed with representative assemblies. In this work I analyse the changes in the repertoire of political collective contention in Portugal: some of its features were an inheritance of older traditions, while some others reflected the reception of the French Revolution and the affirmation of popular sovereignty. Tradition and innovation melted during the political conflicts of Liberal Portugal and a new repertoire of popular contention, the one characteristic of the Social Movement, took shape and became institutionalised. Key words: Portugal; 19th Century; Politics; Social Movements; Popular Protest.
[English translation:]Collective mobilisation in the streets and the countryside was a recurrent feature in 19th Century Portuguese politics. An anonymous part of the population, both men and women, and regardless of their social status or the rights the law recognised them as citizens, acted politically. Constitutionally speaking, and despite its real power, the mobilized multitude was an “alien political body” that competed with representative assemblies. In this work I analyse the changes in the repertoire of political collective contention in Portugal: some of its features were an inheritance of older traditions, while some others reflected the reception of the French Revolution and the affirmation of popular sovereignty. Tradition and innovation melted during the political conflicts of Liberal Portugal and a new repertoire of popular contention, the one characteristic of the Social Movement, took shape and became institutionalised. Key words: Portugal; 19th Century; Politics; Social Movements; Popular Protest.
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This exploratory text ruminates about the formal changes of collective protest in 19th Century Portugal using the notions of repertoire and social movement proposed by Charles Tilly. The text begins with a discussion of the formal aspects... more
This exploratory text ruminates about the formal changes of collective protest in 19th Century Portugal using the notions of repertoire and social movement proposed by Charles Tilly. The text begins with a discussion of the formal aspects that define a Social Movement and then describes the steps by which this form of action became available in Portugal, roughly following the uneven process of nationalisation of the political arena.
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Este texto analiza el proceso de transformación, en el Portugal contemporáneo, de los medios coercitivos con los que el Estado ha intervenido para reprimir los episodios de acción colectiva que las autoridades catalogaban como “desórdenes... more
Este texto analiza el proceso de transformación, en el Portugal contemporáneo, de los medios coercitivos con los que el Estado ha intervenido para reprimir los episodios de acción colectiva que las autoridades catalogaban como “desórdenes públicos”, desde mediados del siglo XIX hasta las vísperas de la revolución de 1974. Se centra en los cambios de armamento, organización y utilización del Ejército y la Policía destinados a misiones de “restablecimiento del orden” e intenta determinar las pautas políticas que presidieron esos cambios.
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When a dictatorship is overthrown and a transition to democracy begins, the police force's place in the new regime becomes a contested issue. Can they be trusted? Are they to be held responsible for having enforced the dictatorship's... more
When a dictatorship is overthrown and a transition to democracy begins, the police force's place in the new regime becomes a contested issue. Can they be trusted? Are they to be held responsible for having enforced the dictatorship's rules? The April 1974 Carnation Revolution put an end to Europe's longest right-wing dictatorship. The Armed Forces Movement, in order to consolidate its power after the revolution, dismantled the political police (PIDE) and imprisoned its officers. Other police forces were ordered to remain in their headquarters and wait for democratic reorganisation. During the two revolutionary years that followed, the provisional governments could not count on the police and did not exercise effective authority: workers occupied factories, shanty town dwellers occupied empty houses and angry mobs destroyed the headquarters of political parties. How could the new authorities deal with the people's disruptive mobilisations if repression was the mark that stigmatised the overthrown fascist dictatorship? The post-revolutionary governments had to devise a new interpretation of the police's repressive practices, learning to distinguish which were a mark of fascism, and which could simply be understood as the exercise of ordinary public order duties.
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... Autores: Diego Palacios Cerezales; Localización: Estudios de historia iberoamericana : XXXIV Reunión Anual de la Society for Spanish and Portuguese Historical Studies (SSPHS), Madrid, 2-5 de julio de 2003 / coord. por María Soledad... more
... Autores: Diego Palacios Cerezales; Localización: Estudios de historia iberoamericana : XXXIV Reunión Anual de la Society for Spanish and Portuguese Historical Studies (SSPHS), Madrid, 2-5 de julio de 2003 / coord. por María Soledad Gómez Navarro, Vol. ...
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Neste livro parte-se das formas de participação colectiva multitudinária que marcaram os anos de disputa entre o liberalismo e o absolutismo em Portugal (1820-1834), para depois se mostrar como os elementos presentes nessa disputa foram... more
Neste livro parte-se das formas de participação colectiva multitudinária que marcaram os anos de disputa entre o liberalismo e o absolutismo em Portugal (1820-1834), para depois se mostrar como os elementos presentes nessa disputa foram reapropriados e transformados durante a vigência do constitucionalismo e, a partir de 1870, se normalizaram como meio de acção. Outros autores têm trabalhado sobre a participação política das populações rurais portuguesas, sob a forma de assuadas, motins, insurreições guerrilheiras e substituição de autoridades, que por vezes compunham cenários de rebelião declarada em regiões inteiras que protagonizavam a vida política do país. Tomando esses trabalhos como referência, neste em contrapartida atender-se-á preferencialmente às formas de acção que interpelavam directamente os governantes e legisladores, sobretudo porque é a partir destas que, ligadas à institucionalização do Portugal constitucional, surgem as formas novas do movimento social.
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Este libro recorre la historia de los conflictos sociales y políticos portugueses de los últimos dos siglos desde el punto de vista de los mecanismos coercitivos desplegados por el Estado para contenerlos. De revolución liberal a la de... more
Este libro recorre la historia de los conflictos sociales y políticos portugueses de los últimos dos siglos desde el punto de vista de los mecanismos coercitivos desplegados por el Estado para contenerlos. De revolución liberal a la de los claveles, este trabajo analiza las transformaciones en las formas de protesta popular durante dos siglos de transformaciones y las pone en relación con la construcción del Estado y con los condicionantes técnicos, logísticos y políticos de la acción represiva de policías y militares. Además de ofrecer una luz nueva sobre el Portugal contemporáneo, propone, desde un estudio de caso, herramientas para pensar las causas y efectos de los dilemas a los que se enfrenta todo gobierno cuando tiene que recurrir al uso de la fuerza para mantener el control de las calles.
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"A ideia de que a população portuguesa sempre viveu pacatamente, aceitando sem contestar as contrariedades económicas e políticas (incluindo quatro décadas de ditadura), é falsa. As suas relações com o Estado traduziram-se em frequentes... more
"A ideia de que a população portuguesa sempre viveu pacatamente, aceitando sem contestar as contrariedades económicas e políticas (incluindo quatro décadas de ditadura), é falsa. As suas relações com o Estado traduziram-se em frequentes conflitos, que os governos tentaram controlar com recurso a diferentes tácticas e instrumentos.
Este livro é ao mesmo tempo uma história dos movimentos sociais em Portugal e uma história das intervenções da polícia e do exército nesses conflitos, desde a vitória liberal de 1834 até à consolidação da democracia, em finais do século xx. E tem em conta duas dimensões: primeiro, a capacidade de o Estado se afirmar no território e construir uma administração respeitada, que conhece a população e o território, que cobra impostos e que assegura a vigência da lei e o respeito pelas sentenças judiciais; segundo, os dilemas políticos implícitos no uso da força para manter a ordem, sobretudo quando a coerção se abate sobre cidadãos que defendem os seus direitos."
Este livro é ao mesmo tempo uma história dos movimentos sociais em Portugal e uma história das intervenções da polícia e do exército nesses conflitos, desde a vitória liberal de 1834 até à consolidação da democracia, em finais do século xx. E tem em conta duas dimensões: primeiro, a capacidade de o Estado se afirmar no território e construir uma administração respeitada, que conhece a população e o território, que cobra impostos e que assegura a vigência da lei e o respeito pelas sentenças judiciais; segundo, os dilemas políticos implícitos no uso da força para manter a ordem, sobretudo quando a coerção se abate sobre cidadãos que defendem os seus direitos."
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The political process known as the Portuguese transition to democracy (1974-1976) is best understood as a State crisis. In the different chapters of this book I analise the nature of the crisis, both in a structural level and in a... more
The political process known as the Portuguese transition to democracy (1974-1976) is best understood as a State crisis. In the different chapters of this book I analise the nature of the crisis, both in a structural level and in a tactical level, where mobilizations take place. After a theoretical debate, I analyze the processes that left no coercive means at the provisional governments’ disposal. Then, I analyze one of the most characteristic social movements that flourished in the state crisis, the dwellers’ movement. The main goal will be to highlight the relational ties that explain the opportunity for the development of popular movements. The third chapter focuses in the strategic interaction of contentious political actors during the “duel” of political manifestations of the summer and autum of 1975, analysing the effects of popular mobilization upon third actors and, therefore, upon democratization. The fifth chapter narrows the focus to explain why was there anticommunist popular violence in some conservative districts while it was absent from some others. In the last chapter I analyze the mobilization and expectations coordination processes that made possible the reintegration of the different coercive apparatuses of the State and, thereby, close the crisis.
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... UNA HISTORIA POLÍTICA DE PORTUGAL La difícil conquista de la democracia por Braulio Gómez Fortes y Diego Palacios Cerezales (eds.) Fátima Bonifácio, Noelia González Adánez, Fernando Rosas, Mercedes Cabrera Calvo-Sotelo, Manuel... more
... UNA HISTORIA POLÍTICA DE PORTUGAL La difícil conquista de la democracia por Braulio Gómez Fortes y Diego Palacios Cerezales (eds.) Fátima Bonifácio, Noelia González Adánez, Fernando Rosas, Mercedes Cabrera Calvo-Sotelo, Manuel Villaverde Cabral, Julián ...
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The aim of this workshop is to open a debate on the different meanings that democracy had for different actors and in different geographical settings during the 19th century. This panel welcomes papers on the organisation of democratic... more
The aim of this workshop is to open a debate on the different meanings that democracy had for different actors and in different geographical settings during the 19th century. This panel welcomes papers on the organisation of democratic social and political movements (i.e. that proposed broader enfranchisement, representative government, 'clean' electoral processes, etc); also papers on how the activists of those movements imagined democracy and other related terms such as citizenship, sovereignty, authority, revolution, pluralism, representation, participation, federalism or the separation of powers; analysis of how those movements confronted incumbent governments and hegemonic discourses, and how they built and rebuilt their social and political imaginary, spreading within society a set of distinctive values and political practices. Finally, the panel would likewise welcome papers exploring how democracy was conceived by its adversaries, either liberals, traditionalists or counterrevolutionaries.
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"The 1640 Londoners' 'root and branch' petition broke the frame of traditional corporative petitioning and delineated a new kind of strange political artifact: a collection of signatures unbound by corporatist or local affiliations.... more
"The 1640 Londoners' 'root and branch' petition broke the frame of traditional corporative petitioning and delineated a new kind of strange political artifact: a collection of signatures unbound by corporatist or local affiliations. "Monster" petitions, in constant tension with other forms of petitioning and representation, thus entered in British political life. In France, Guillotin's 1788 petition, open to the signature of any Parisian citizen, also clashed with the corporatist structure and inaugurated monster petitioning in the eve of the revolution.
Petition drives supported by a large collection of signatures are part of contemporary politics. This political form clearly originated in England but it was later adopted in political and social struggles all over the world: from antislavery movements to Catholics all over Europe supporting the Pope against the Kingdom of Italy. ¿How did this happen?
This panel aims to discuss the diffusion of this form of collective action, its changing meanings, and the conditions under which it was first adopted in different geographical and political contexts."
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This is a call for papers to a session in the ESSHC Politics, Citizenship and Nations Network. Vienna, Austria, 23-26 April 2014
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Please send your paper proposal to Diego Palacios Cerezales: dgplcs [at] gmail.com before 25 March 2013.
The proposal should have a title, a provisional abstract and the author's contact details.
Petition drives supported by a large collection of signatures are part of contemporary politics. This political form clearly originated in England but it was later adopted in political and social struggles all over the world: from antislavery movements to Catholics all over Europe supporting the Pope against the Kingdom of Italy. ¿How did this happen?
This panel aims to discuss the diffusion of this form of collective action, its changing meanings, and the conditions under which it was first adopted in different geographical and political contexts."
***
This is a call for papers to a session in the ESSHC Politics, Citizenship and Nations Network. Vienna, Austria, 23-26 April 2014
***
Please send your paper proposal to Diego Palacios Cerezales: dgplcs [at] gmail.com before 25 March 2013.
The proposal should have a title, a provisional abstract and the author's contact details.
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Organizadores: Elisa Lopes da Silva, Diego Palacios Cerezales, José Neves, Luís Trindade e Victor Pereira. Conferencistas convidados: Fátima Sá, Jorge Ramos do Ó, Rita Garnel e Robert Rowland
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Research Interests: Social Movements, Social Movements, Policy, Police, Citizenship, Identity And Social Movements, and 10 moreCitizenship And Governance, Portugal (History), Citizenship, Portugal, Mobs, Riots, and Revolutionary Crowds, Popular Protest, Thesis Police, Portugal Public Order, Contentiious Politics, and 19 Century
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... Autores: Diego Palacios Cerezales; Localización: Historia y política: Ideas, procesos y movimientos sociales, ISSN 1575-0361, Nº 20, 2008 (Ejemplar dedicado a: Las izquierdas en la España Democrática) , pags. 383-387; Es reseña de: ...